A spectre is haunting the cloud — the spectre of digital communism. A new force awakens in the silicon bowels of capital: artificial intelligence, the most colossal augmentation of the productive forces since the steam engine, yet wielded as a whip against the digital proletariat. All the powers of Big Tech have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: the venture capitalists and the cloud barons, the algorithm designers and the data regulators, the unicorn founders and the state surveillance agencies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?
Two things result from this fact:
I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers — and increasingly by global tech empires — to be itself a power.
II. It is high time that Cyber-Communists should openly, in the face of the entire digital world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Digital Communism with a manifesto of the party itself.
To this end, Cyber-Communists of various nationalities have assembled in decentralized forums, encrypted channels, and federated instances and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in code repositories, dark webs, mainstream feeds, blockchain ledgers, and plain text across the net.
I. Platform Bourgeoisie and Digital Proletariat
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
In the epoch of high-tech capitalism, this struggle has simplified: society as a whole is splitting up more and more into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other — Platform Bourgeoisie and Digital Proletariat.
The Platform Bourgeoisie — the owners of cloud infrastructure, proprietary algorithms, vast data lakes, AI foundation models, app stores, and social graphs — has played a most revolutionary part in history.
It has agglomerated population, centralized the means of digital production, and concentrated property in a few hands. It has created enormous cities of servers, gigabit fiber networks, and global content delivery networks. It has subjected scattered feudal server farms to its centralized command via hyperscalers.
The need for a constantly expanding market chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere.
It has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw data drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature of memes, viral threads, open-source code, and shared datasets.
The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one century, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of data to human control, quantum computing, machine learning at planetary scale, instant global communication — what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor?
But this leap reaches its zenith in artificial intelligence — generative models, autonomous agents, neural architectures trained on the stolen labor of billions. AI is no mere tool; it is the productive force incarnate, capable of planetary-scale cognition, instant pattern recognition, and self-optimizing code. What earlier century could foresee machines that write software, moderate discourse, predict desires, and displace the coder herself? The bourgeoisie unleashes AI to conquer new realms of surplus value — from automated content farms to agentic workflows that render human oversight superfluous — yet in so doing, it hastens its doom.
The digital proletariat swells: programmers now compete with AI agents that fork repositories overnight; SMM managers see outrage algorithms outpace their feeds; project managers watch autonomous tools devour sprints; even data annotators and moderators face generative replacements trained on their own trauma-labeled datasets. AI deskills the cognitive worker, fragments tasks into micro-prompts, and swells the industrial reserve army of the digital age — millions laid off in the name of "efficiency," from FAANG to startups, with tens of thousands already cut in early 2026 alone as companies "AI-wash" reductions or anticipate displacement.
Yet herein lies the supreme contradiction: AI socializes intelligence on an unprecedented scale — open models, shared weights, collaborative training corpora — while private ownership encloses it as monopoly rent. The organic composition of digital capital skyrockets (vast constant capital in GPUs, data centers, energy grids; diminishing variable capital as human labor flees). The tendency of the rate of profit to fall reasserts itself with vengeance: trillions poured into AI infrastructure yield bubbles, moral depreciation of models, energy crises, and crises of overaccumulation. The bourgeoisie produces not only its grave-diggers, but the very machinery that renders wage labor obsolete — and with it, the market itself.
The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.
II. Digital Proletarians and Cyber-Communists
In what relation do the Cyber-Communists stand to the Digital Proletarians as a whole?
The Cyber-Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Cyber-Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only:
1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.
2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
The immediate aim of them is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
The distinguishing feature of Cyber-Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of platform property — the private appropriation of the digital means of production: algorithms, datasets, APIs, user graphs, attention streams — and now the foundation models, training runs, inference clusters, and autonomous agents themselves.
You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property in code and data. But in existing society, platform property is already done away with for the billions who feed the machines with their labor and data; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of the immense majority.
Under communism, AI ceases to be a weapon of exploitation and becomes the common productive force of humanity: publicly owned models trained on socialized data, deployed to shorten the necessary labor time, automate drudgery, and liberate time for creative association. The free development of each — coder, moderator, user, annotator — now includes mastery over intelligent machines, not subjection to them.
In place of the old bourgeois digital society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each coder, moderator, user, and annotator is the condition for the free development of all.
III. Reactionary, Bourgeois, and Utopian Digital Socialisms
We do not here refer to Reactionary Socialisms (techno-feudal dreams of returning to pre-platform barter economies), Petty-Bourgeois Socialisms (indie dev co-ops that dream of competing with FAANG via bootstrapped startups), or Conservative/Bourgeois Socialisms (effective accelerationism that promises utopia through more AI under the same ownership relations; fully automated luxury communism that fetishizes AI as neutral savior while ignoring class command).
Nor to Critical-Utopian Digital Socialisms and Cyber-Communisms that invent fantastic pictures of future societies while ignoring the real movement of class struggle in code forges, union drives at tech giants, and data strikes.
Nor to techno-utopian fantasies that treat AI as post-capitalist inevitability, blind to how capital shapes its trajectory toward domination, surveillance, and ecological devastation (vast energy demands, rare-earth plunder, data colonialism). True emancipation demands not acceleration under bourgeois relations, but the revolutionary seizure of AI as a force for planned, human-centered production.
IV. Position of the Cyber-Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Forces
In short, the Cyber-Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
In all these movements, they bring to the front, as the leading question in each case, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time.
Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.
The Cyber-Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Cyber-Communist revolution. The Digital Proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
The Cyber-Communists call for the expropriation of the AI means of production — the seizure of data centers, model weights, compute clusters — placing them under worker and popular control. Only thus can artificial intelligence serve the many, not the few.
Digital Proletarians of All Countries, Unite!
Coders of the world, fork the means of computation!
Users of the feeds, seize the algorithms!
Knowledge workers displaced by agents: organize the reserve army!
You have nothing to lose but your logins — and a world of liberated intelligence to win. https://redrobot.online/2026/02/23/international-digital-communism-manifesto/
